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责调查三星集团(Samsung Group)的特别检察官赵俊雄(Cho Joon-woong)周四宣布将以涉嫌逃税和背信为由起诉该集团董事长李健熙(Lee Kun-hee),但并未对他予以逮捕,从而使他可以继续执掌这家韩国最大的企业集团。
三星称公司高度关切当前形势,将进行改组并在下周披露相关细节。其改组内容之一即可能包括李健熙的退休。这位1987年起就大权在握的高管是韩国最有影响力的领导人之一。
在面向全国转播的电视画面中,上述两份声明的发布仅相隔了几分钟时间,它们标致着这出历时半年的事件达到了高潮。六个月前,三星前任首席律师金勇哲(Kim Yong-cheol)指控公司存在系统性的行贿现象,而后整个丑闻演变成了针对这家公司、其高管以及创始人家族的一场旷日持久的全国性声讨活动。
赵俊雄决定对李健熙及其他九名高管提起诉讼,但没有批捕他们。最终这些人将接受审判。赵俊雄称这十人的入狱将给韩国经济带来不利影响,检察院方面认为不一定非要将他们先行羁押再扭送法庭。
这种显然是自相矛盾的决定反映了韩国社会对三星集团普遍存在的错综复杂的心理;而且这也表明韩国对“公正”的诠释更多地考虑了公众的感受,这一点和西方社会亦有所不同。和外国公司打交道的律师经常会就此告诫他们的客户。
许多韩国人认为有着59年历史、占国民经济比重约15%的三星集团权力过大,而且又常常滥用手中权力。但另一方面,他们认为三星实在太庞大太重要,以致于不能冒险借法律之利剑将其破坏。
这起官司的结果更有可能是三星集团自己、而非法庭对这家公司采取最有实质意义的措施。三星暗示自己正在关注公众对赵俊雄上述决定的反应,并表示定于下周出炉的改革方案将基于韩国社会方方面面所提出的建议做出。
赵俊雄本月早些时候对李健熙进行了第二次问话,随后李健熙表示他有可能辞职并在集团内推行改革。身为全球最大的电视机及存储芯片制造商、以及全球第二大手机生产商的三星电子(Samsung Electronics Co. Ltd.)就隶属于三星集团。现年66岁的李健熙自从他的父亲去世后就一直担任该公司的负责人,而这家巨无霸在1938年创建之时仅仅是一家贸易公司。
赵俊雄的声明一经发布,韩国的网上信息平台就充斥着公众对此事所做出的反应,从中不难看出韩国民众对三星怀有的复杂感情。率先发难的金勇哲表示他对这一结果感到失望。他对韩国报纸《Kyunghyang》表示,赵俊雄是以一种为三星开脱罪名的方式进行调查。
三星旗下的公司并没有因这桩丑闻受到什么影响。作为一家众多投资者持股的亚洲企业,预计三星电子将于下周发布相当强劲的第一财季业绩报告,尽管当前存储芯片业正在经历周期性低迷。
但是三星集团对赵俊雄的声明迅速做出的反应倒是和它一贯作风相符,近年来该公司在卷入闹得沸沸扬扬的法律纠纷时总能在第一时间出手、平息众怒。以2006年年初时为例,在涉嫌向政界人士行贿的公司高管被免予诉讼后,三星马上拿出了约8.25亿美元捐给慈善事业。
过去十年中每隔两到三年三星集团总是陷入一次公众批评与刑事调查的怪圈,能否彻底改写这种局面可能将取决于三星此次的改革力度了。分析师指出,三星之所以命运多舛是因为该公司总是太倾向于将李健熙的利益置于其他股东以及韩国民众之上了;许多韩国人都认为三星集团实际上是向韩国社会欠了一笔债的,因为在上世纪60、70年代是政府的决定及支持帮助了这家公司的成长壮大。
首尔国立大学(Seoul National University)社会学家Yee Jae-yeol表示,回顾三星集团起飞时的体制环境不难发现,当时政府具有高度的影响力,而且对于企业而言有许多障碍必须要去克服,在这种情况下,三星必须要依靠自己的暗箱操作技巧,比如建立行贿基金、结交监管人员等;但是那个时代已经过去了。
此次丑闻的核心是李健熙与其子进行权力交接的方法是否得当。金勇哲称其中有行贿行为,因此特别检察官对公司股票和债券交易展开了一系列调查,最后以背信罪对李健熙提起了诉讼。
不过赵俊雄并没有对李氏父子的交接班工作予以阻止,而是让三星集团自己完成改革。韩国高丽大学(Korea University)商业教授、公司治理方面的专家张夏成(Jang Ha-sung)表示,一切都掌握在三星集团的手中,政府和法庭都无从插手。
虽然三星集团在整个事件前后都否认自己存在任何不当之处,但它在内部已经表现得如临大敌,它要求一些雇员清空邮箱,并在公司以外慎谈公事。员工们私下表示希望此次调查足够彻底,令韩国人相信现在的三星已经从过去脱胎换骨,从而彻底打破这个公众批评与刑事调查的怪圈。
在去年12月底被任命为此次调查的特别检察官后,赵俊雄很快就对李健熙的住所进行了搜查,引来电视和报纸媒体连篇累牍的报导。这一切似乎暗示出他会比从前的调查人员出手更猛。
即便如此,赵俊雄也如同走钢丝一般要在公众对三星应承担责任的呼声和保护韩国经济之间找到平衡。其结果从他对提起诉讼、但又不予逮捕的决定所做的解释中即可一目了然。
赵俊雄表示,显然法律面前应该是人人平等,但是公平执法并不意味着要彻底忽视包括个性特点、大环境等因素在内的实际情况。
金勇哲得到了一个天主教牧师团体的支持,后者在上世纪80年代韩国民主运动中表现活跃,这也给此次事件蒙上了一些政治色彩。在周四的声明发布后,金勇哲的发言人、牧师Kim In-gook表示,我感到心痛;我们现在无话可说,我们将进行祈祷。
Samsung On The Defensive
A special prosecutor concluded a high-profile investigation of Samsung Group by leveling tax-evasion and breach-of-trust charges against its chairman, but left him in control of South Korea's biggest conglomerate.
Samsung indicated it took the situation seriously, saying it would restructure and disclose details next week. The changes could include the retirement of the indicted chairman, Lee Kun-hee, who has led Samsung since 1987 and is one of the most powerful leaders in the nation.
The two nationally televised announcements, which came within minutes of each other Thursday afternoon, marked the climax of a six-month saga that began with a former Samsung attorney's accusations of systemic bribery at Samsung and turned into a prolonged, national shaming of the company, its top executives and founder's family.
The special prosecutor decided to indict Mr. Lee and nine other executives but not arrest them. Mr. Lee and the executives eventually will be tried. Arresting the 10 could lead to 'negative repercussions on our economy,' said the special prosecutor, Cho Joon-woong. 'We do not feel that taking into custody and bringing the accused to court is absolutely necessary,' he said.
The apparently contradictory decision mirrors the broader, competing sentiments in South Korean society toward Samsung -- as well as a handling of justice that puts a greater emphasis on public sentiment than it does on Western-style rule of law. Attorneys who deal with foreign companies here often warn their clients about this tendency.
Many South Koreans feel the 59-company conglomerate, which accounts for about 15% of the national economy, has too much power and occasionally wields it badly. But they also feel Samsung is too big and important to the country to risk damaging it via legal action.
The result in this case may be that Samsung, rather than the courts, takes the most significant action resulting from the indictment. Signaling that it is watching the public fallout from the special prosecutor's decision, Samsung said the corporate reforms it announces next week will be 'based on advice from various sectors of our society.'
After Mr. Lee was questioned by the special prosecutor for a second time earlier this month, he said he might resign and make other changes to the group, which includes Samsung Electronics Co., the world's biggest maker of televisions and memory chips and No. 2 maker of cellphones. Mr. Lee, 66 years old, has led the group since the death of his father, who started Samsung with a single trading firm in 1938.
After Thursday's announcements, Korean online message boards quickly filled with reaction that reflected the public division over Samsung. The former Samsung attorney whose accusations led to the inquiry, Kim Yong-cheol, said he was disappointed by the outcome. 'The special prosecutors investigated a way to acquit Samsung,' he told Kyunghyang, a South Korean newspaper.
Samsung's companies have shown little effect from the scandal. Samsung Electronics, one of the most widely held Asian companies, is perched to announce stellar first-quarter results next week despite difficulties from a cyclical downturn in its memory-chip business.
But Samsung's rapid response to the indictment fit a pattern for the way it has coped with other high-profile legal difficulties in recent years: by quickly taking big steps to mollify public anger. In early 2006, for instance, Samsung donated about $825 million to charities after its executives were cleared following allegations of political bribery.
The scale of any changes Samsung unveils this time may determine whether the conglomerate frees itself from the cycle of public criticism and criminal investigations that it has endured every two or three years for the past decade. That pattern emerged, analysts say, because the group too often appeared to put Mr. Lee's interests above those of shareholders and Koreans, many of whom believe that Samsung owes a special debt to society because government decisions and support assisted its growth in the 1960s and 1970s.
'When Samsung began to grow, it was in an institutional environment where it had strong government influence and a lot of hurdles to solve,' says Yee Jae-yeol, a sociologist at Seoul National University. 'In that system, it had to rely on under-the-table techniques, such as slush funds and making connections with regulators. But that time is over.'
At the center of the latest scandal is the method that Mr. Lee used to transfer control of Samsung Group to his son. Mr. Kim alleged that bribes were involved, which led the special prosecutor to investigate a series of stock and bond transactions and ultimately charge Mr. Lee with breach of trust.
But the special prosecutor stopped short of trying to reverse the transfer of control, leaving Samsung to make its own reforms. 'Everything is in the hands of Samsung, not the government, not the courts,' says Jang Ha-sung, a Korea University business professor and specialist in corporate governance.
Throughout the latest affair, Samsung denied wrongdoing but acted internally as if under siege, telling some employees to wipe out email files and take greater care discussing business outside the office. Privately, employees hoped the latest investigation would be thorough enough to persuade South Koreans that Samsung had moved on from old practices and bring an end to the cycle of criticism and legal troubles.
After being named special prosecutor in late December, Mr. Cho moved quickly to signal he would be more aggressive than previous investigators of Samsung, staging a raid on Mr. Lee's home office with television and newspaper photographers in tow.
Even so, Mr. Cho walked a tightrope to find a balance between the societal demands for accountability at Samsung without harm to the Korean economy. The result was evident in his explanation for the decision to make indictments without arrests.
'It is obvious to say that the law must apply equally to each and every person,' Mr. Cho said. 'But equal application of the law does not mean to completely ignore factors such as individual characteristics or the circumstances of that time.'
The former Samsung attorney, Mr. Kim, received support from a group of Catholic priests who were active in South Korea's democracy movement in the 1980s, adding a political tinge to the affair. After Thursday's action, Kim In-gook, the priest who acted as a spokesman for Mr. Kim, said, 'My heart aches. We have nothing to say at the moment. We will pray for now.'
Evan Ramstad